FROM THE ’ ABSOLUTE SEMANTICORDER ’ OF SOCIALIST SYSTEM TO AUTOMATIONS AS FORMS OF HARDENING OF DISCOURSE IN THE POETICS OF SOCIALIST REALISM

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license. The article is published with Open Access at www.alsjournal.com Abstract. At all times, the socialist society, based on Marxist-Leninist ideology principles, claimed to be the master of the truth, having into the service of itself the conviction that the truth is one and every variant that competes with it is a lie. So the socialist system, as a semantic order (the way it understands the world, the human relationship with it), takes the place of truth, becomes the truth itself, after it has falsified the truth and itself. If a system is not falsified, as it happens in a normal society, its meaning in general is always below the truth, along with other orders of alternative meanings, with which it enjoys the same status of credibility. All these orders of meanings have the same opportunity to be true, but it is not possible to be all true. If we relocate or rather extend the concept of the order of prevailing meanings from the existential plane to that lecture plane, we notice that the prevailing order of meanings is embedded and transformed into a a habit (even as a vice), wherein the arbitrary relationship between the mark (the word) and the marked (the object) penetrate obligations that arise from the dominance of the order of meanings in power. This means that within the discourse there is the possibility that the prevailing meanings of the socialist order can guarantee themselves privileged and automatic places and positions.


Introduction
In the communist context of the totalitarian society, the unification of its semantic order with the truth led to the exercise of violence against other orderds of meaning, destroyed them (considering reactionary, bourgeois, revisionism, etc.).As such, he took the only vacancy, denying them the ability to appear at the same time with it.Now, communism, as a semantic order with the status of the total truth, through abuse, expels all other orders of meaning and remains alone.After that it can no longer consume the contact and in particular, the continuity of contacts with other orders of meanings as a security act.We say through abuse because, being each of the order of meaning surrounded by such other orders, it is only then that through the contacts established with them, it affirms or denies itself, as reinforcement or lack of truth.In such an order, the truth, as the cause of the essence of everything, serves as a producer of contacts between different orders of meanings, distinct and alternate with one another.
On the contrary, consequent "pure communism", conveys the absence of these contacts of meanings as a security act.Thus, it claims that it is on the right track, that he has not betrayed the ideals (communist ideology -its classics).Even after excluding the divine order (the ban on religion and the closure of religious institutions in 1967), since the 1976 Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Albania was proclaimed as the only atheist country in the world, the system in power gives itself divine status , that is, being unassailable.All other orders are disposed of in front of it, they are pointless.In the conditions of the absence of contacts with other alternative orders of meaning, where the facts or arguments against him are lacking, this order claims something like this, its unassailable nature (as if it were a divine order determined by God).

The socialist system as an 'absolute sense order'
As long as the system in power (communism) destroys all other regimes, having a permanent Marxist-Leninist ideology, he has to make contact with each of the orders of meaning which compose it or represent it.To achieve this goal, the order of meanings in power determines the scheme of location of each meaning (minimally of one of the meanings and maximally of all but one), in order to show the usefulness of each one of them.More concretely, it should seek the inner coherence of all meanings (the connection, the inner harmony between things), determining the dependence of each one of them on the fundamental principle that holds (whose role is played by Marxist-Leninist ideology) the system in power.
Under these conditions, the possibility of the transformation of meaning is needful in order that the function of the whole order is maintained.Such was the revaluation that was made for the Albanian literature from De Rada to contemporary poet Migjeni, wherein there was a prevalence of indifference However, De Rada continued his literary career throughout the communist regime without being subjected to this method of socialist realism.Typical, in this regard is the nationalism, which throughout the National Renaissance and after had had the central place in Albanian literature, but, during communism, it had to submit to the system in power, being integrated in it as national communism.

Automations as forms of speech hardening
Above, we analyzed the purported absolute concept of the meanings in the political and social level of public relations of man with the society in the socialist system (socialism).If we relocate or rather extend the concept of the order of prevailing meanings from the existential plane to that lecture plane, we notice that the prevailing order of meanings is embedded and transformed into habit (even as a vice), wherein the arbitrary relationship between the mark (the word) and the marked (the object) penetrate obligations that arise from the dominance of the order of the meanings in power.This means that within the discourse there is the possibility that the prevailing meanings of the socialist order can guarantee themselves privileged and automatic places and positions which, once codified, fulfill two functions, one more undesirable than the other: 1.The socialist order (as the dominant of meanings) reinforces its rule in society by being implicit through the ways the discourse chooses to be automated; 2. The automations of the lecture themselves, which are of a psychological and social nature, take on a prominent political character, again serving the system in power.
The more such automations within the discourse, the more defective is the perception of the truth, and furthermore this defective situation is getting worse as a result of the uninterrupted pressure exerted by the power over it.This is the way of organizing the discourse in socialism, which, as we have said, takes on a significant political function, so it becomes the mode of excluding other alternative 'worldview".Whether the daily, or the poetical, discourse they are the same between them, as well as defined by political discourse (of plenaries and congresses etc.).The latter produces the automations in function to the system in power (as we have said makes them to be perceived as absolute) and imposes them to the relevant discourses, to the daily one through manipulation or suggestion and the poetic one through censorship or selfcensorship.
In non-poetical discourse, the order of references (the direct relationship between words and objects) must remain unchanged, so that the ability of people to communicate with each other is not conditioned by their personal competence to use the discourse.Likewise, the poetic discourse of socialist realism should take into account the order of references as long as clarity and understandings asked (in addition to Marxist-Leninist ideology, communist partyism, class character) on behalf of the popular character, where the content of an artwork of the socialist realism would have to present the interests and views of the people in a way that is understandable to him.Socialist realism deprives the artist of his individuality and standardizes the works of art.Through it the censorship aimed at unifying the poetic styles (univocity), which led to the growing impoverishment of the literary language, its schematization.According to the scholar Dh.Shehri this leads to the collectivization of the lyric subject in the Albanian poetry of socialist realism, adapting the literary form to the new (communist) content.That is, according to the aforementioned scholar (Dh.Shehri), in the article entitled "Collectivism of the lyric subject in Albanian poetry of socialist realism" is an expression of deformation of the form of poetry in all its forms : symphonic, lexical, morpho-syntax and figurative, concluding: "... in the cliché words and phases, in hardened figures that have only extratextual references." 1 1 Dh.Shehri, " Collectivism of the lyric subject in Albanian poetry of socialist realism", in the book: "The Status of criticism", Albas, Despite the classic distinction between poetic and non-poetic discourse (daily and political) we are showing that the discourse of the poetic of socialist realism is the same as the non-poetic one.This is best evidenced by the same possibility that automations have to serve, within the discourse, as a reference sequence for meanings that occur outside of the discourse.The Albanian poetry of socialist realism abandons the richness and mobility of the poetic language, limited to those ideological constructions (the ideological phrases are considered by the scholar Dh.Shehri), which can be used automatically in various circumstances, the authorship of which it is not the lyrical subject, but the so-called 'collective consciousness'.This way, the poetry of socialist realism is not a reflection of existence and reality, but a reflection of ideology and monoparty politics, which transforms the work of art into a reflection of reflection, thus becoming a dogma for the art and the artist.According to the Marxists: "... if the ideology is a reflection, then literature should be understood the same.This means that, according to them, literature has a common aspect with these forms: generalization of the phenomena of human life and attitude towards them So the essence of the ideological character is about appreciation and attitude." 2 So the discourse in the poetics of socialist realism does not differ from non-poetic discourse, since they are the same based on the way they become representative form of the order of meanings in power and of the obligation (either by censorship or self-censorship) to serve as an expression of that truth that communism declaims and protects.
However, being impossible for the discourse of the poetics of socialist realism to evade the order of meaning in power (Marxist-Leninist ideology and Communist party politics), it can only change the modes of conception and behavior with the order of references (extraliterary factors) , already as a necessary condition for poetic discourse.According to Russian scholar Katerina Clark: "Literature interacts with these extra-literary factors, not just politics and ideology.I say 'interacts', because literature does not simply 'reflect' extra-literary phenomena, it also adapts them to itself." 3 So we have come to Tiranë, 2013, f. 146. 2 F. Dado në "Uninterpreted Literature",Bota Shqiptare, Tiranë, 2010, f. 139. 3 K.Klark: "The Role of Socialist Realism in Soviet Culture" cited by F. Dado in "Unin-a point where the only chance to have poetic discourse is to change behavior with the order of references, so the way literature adapts to itself the extraliterary elements.In fact, regarding the nature of literature as the art of speech, the culmination of poetic discourse would be the destruction of references within it, in other words its liberation from automations.Here we homologate with Giuseppe Bernardelli, who asserts: "In their use in the lyrical, indicative expressions (...) are no longer words that lead to objects, but words that lead to words, or rather parts of texts that have the function to reactivate them by always remaining within the text.In lyrical discourse, no extra-textual connection is possible even though, the anaphore activated by this (as dietext) has a metalinguistic character by simply sending you to the totality of the discourse that is closing." 4 While we don't have such a discourse (absolute in itself) in the poetics of socialist realism, what distinguishes it from non-poetical (daily and political) discourse, and makes it possible to distinguish styles between different poets, depends on the quality of the competence to change behaviors with the references, the meanings of which are embedded in socialist society.

Conclusion
A typical example of this change of behavior with the order of references in Albanian literature are the poems and lyric poetry of I. Kadare, which are characterized by the richness of details and the variety of literary figures.This avoidance of the schematic of language implies another behavior with references ("... known at that time by the term" imperative obscurity (Kadare)" 5 , where the lecture code (data programming from the physical level of signs ) intends to multiply what it takes from the physical level of signs to esthetize the poetic message (as such, in Kadare's lyrical poetry, there are a number of data coming from the urban environment with: semaphore, neon, asphalt, antennas, etc. which manage to wear this world of technique with warmth and impressive experiences.)Thus, Kadare in his poetic creativity, using the terpreted Literature ",Bota Shqiptare, Tiranë, 2010, f. 64. 4 Giussepe Bernardelli, "Il testo lirico", Vita e Pensiero 2002 5 Dh.Shehri, " The Status of Criticism ", Albas, Tiranë, 2013, f. 143.improvisational possibilities of language and the richness of literary figures, leads his poetry towards a subjective, associative self.As long as such a poetry does not accept the 'collectivization of the lyrical self', it is avoided the possibility of commanding or directing its poetic message as intended by the censorship.Thus such a message that avoids 'ideological clichés' and does not reduce what it receives from the physical level of signs, leaves the reader to control it (the message), experiencing himself (reader) in his own way, even to be identified with lyrical hero, with his pain or pleasure.In contrast to prose production, where Kadare goes beyond the schema of socialist realism and appears as a modern writer in Albanian literature, we must acknowledge that his poetries and poems can not reconnect Albanian poetry with modernist poetics (symbolism, hermetism etc.).For the poetic dicourse of Modernism, as we have explained, the "imperative darkness" that characterizes Kadare's poetry, is not enough, but he destroys automation and legitimizes itself, despite the extra-literary references.But it is another prominent personality of Albanian literature, Martin Camaj, who with his poetic creativity brings to Albanian literature modernism (symbolism and hermetism).